Some pidgins are spoken over a period of time and become the native language of the next generation of speakers. This chapter looks at various features commonly assumed as typical for pidgin and creole languages and methodically test whether they in fact pattern differently in these groups compared to non-pidgin and non-creole languages. Middle English creole hypothesis the biggest difference is that creoles are fully developed languages, pidgins are not a pidgin arises when two or more people. Since Pidgins are languages of convenience, they don’t lay much emphasis on grammar or linguistic elegance. In order to answer this question, a systematic comparison between pidgin versus non-pidgin languages and between creole versus non-creole languages in terms of various structural features is essential. The fundamental question is whether that which sets pidgin and creole languages apart is merely that they all arose in situations of intense language contact, or whether situations of intense contact give rise to languages that share a set of structural features. The fact alone that certain languages are classified as ‘pidgins’ and other languages as ‘creoles’ implies that something sets them apart from languages that do not carry those classifications, and that they differ structurally from non-pidgins and non-creoles.
One of the most central debates in pidgin and creole studies is whether pidgin and creole languages differ typologically from non-pidgin and non-creole languages respectively.
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